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VICTORY: Supreme Court sides with high school cheerleader, rules school鈥檚 punishment for Snapchat posts violated First Amendment聽

The Supreme Court鈥檚 8-1 decision in Mahanoy Area School District v. B.L. held that Brandi Levy鈥檚 Snapchat post 鈥 which read 鈥淔uck school fuck softball fuck cheer fuck everything鈥 鈥 was protected by the First Amendment. (Danna Singer/Provided by the ACLU)

Thanks to one brave high school cheerleader鈥檚 years-long fight for justice 鈥 over a split-second Snapchat post 鈥 student speech rights are stronger nationwide today. 

In an issued this morning, the Supreme Court of the United States ruled that Pennsylvania鈥檚 Mahanoy Area High School violated former high school cheerleader Brandi Levy鈥檚 First Amendment rights by suspending her from the cheerleading team for voicing her frustrations with school, sports, and 鈥渆verything鈥 in a Snapchat post. 

The Court鈥檚 8-1 decision held Levy鈥檚 post 鈥 which read 鈥淔uck school fuck softball fuck cheer fuck everything鈥 鈥 was protected by the First Amendment, which binds public educational institutions. Levy鈥檚 comment, sent via her personal cell phone while off-campus, was directed to her 鈥減rivate circle鈥 of online friends. While there was a risk of 鈥渢ransmission to the school itself,鈥 the Court held that any 鈥渄iscomfort and unpleasantness鈥 that might have followed within that community is not the 鈥渟ort of 鈥榮ubstantial disruption鈥 of a school activity or a threatened harm to the rights of others that might justify鈥 disciplinary action under the 鈥渄emanding鈥 standard of Tinker v. Des Moines Independent Community School District, the Supreme Court鈥檚 seminal 1969 case outlining the First Amendment rights of public grade school students.

Today鈥檚 decision in Mahanoy Area School District v. B.L. does not implicate speech rights in higher education, Justice Alito noted in a concurring opinion. Because public college students are different from public grade school students for 鈥渟everal reasons, including the age, independence, and living arrangements of such students,鈥 Justice Alito explicitly noted that 鈥渞egulation of their speech may raise very different questions from those presented here.鈥 

However, Mahanoy鈥檚 analytical framework 鈥 identifying three institutional 鈥渋nterests鈥 in regulating speech and 鈥渢hree features鈥 of off-campus speech that merit skepticism of schools鈥 assertions that their interests are implicated by the speech 鈥 provides a strong bulwark against censorship when it comes to the online speech of students at universities and colleges.

The rights of students at institutions across the country, from K-12 schools to graduate schools, are more secure because Brandi Levy had the courage to take a public stand to defend her First Amendment rights 鈥 even if it was 鈥渏ust鈥 for a Snapchat post with a few four-letter words.

The first such institutional interest is 鈥渋n teaching good manners鈥 to students. That is plainly inapplicable to students in universities and colleges, where 鈥済ood taste鈥 and 鈥渃onventions of decency鈥 pose no barrier to student and faculty expression. While the second interest 鈥 preventing 鈥渄isruption鈥 of institutional functions 鈥 may be implicated in certain higher education functions, 鈥渄iscomfort鈥 in the K-12 context was not sufficient to amount to disruption. The third interest in protecting the 鈥渕orale鈥 of the cheerleading squad likewise has implications for collegiate sports teams, particularly when team members鈥 speech (such as kneeling or standing during the national anthem) attracts controversy. (Importantly, the Court did not deign to temper the protection of the First Amendment on the basis that the activity was extracurricular.)

The Court鈥檚 majority also identified 鈥渢hree features of off-campus speech that often, even if not always, distinguish schools鈥 efforts to regulate that speech from their efforts to regulate on campus speech.鈥

The first 鈥渇eature鈥 identified by the Court, the in loco parentis doctrine, is not applicable to higher education. FIREat universities and colleges are, broadly speaking, adults; administrators are not serving in a role comparable to that of a parent.

The remaining two features focus not so much on the interests of the institution, but on students鈥 interests in expressive rights. 

For example, the second 鈥渇eature鈥 recognizes that the ability to speak online means student speech is more likely to be heard, read, seen, or surveilled by their educational institutions 鈥 no matter where or when it occurs. That means that any student speech 鈥渄uring the full 24-hour day鈥 might become subject to monitoring or punishment. The Mahanoy Court warns that lower courts must be 鈥渕ore skeptical of a school鈥檚 efforts to regulate off-campus speech, for doing so may mean the student cannot engage in that kind of speech at all.鈥 This is doubly so for 鈥減olitical or religious speech鈥 outside of a 鈥渟chool program or activity.鈥

The third and final feature, the school鈥檚 own 鈥渋nterest in protecting a student鈥檚 unpopular expression鈥 鈥 likening K-12 institutions to 鈥渘urseries of democracy鈥 鈥 is arguably even stronger for students at institutions of higher education. As the Court recognized in 1957, the 鈥渆ssentiality of freedom鈥 to foster the 鈥渧ital role in democracy鈥 played by universities and colleges 鈥渋s almost self-evident,鈥 warning:

Teachers and students must always remain free to inquire, to study and to evaluate, to gain new maturity and understanding; otherwise our civilization will stagnate and die.

Sixty-plus years later, it is reassuring that the Court鈥檚 commitment has not wavered. Universities and colleges (and courts that are asked to protect student and faculty rights) would do well to recognize that the Mahanoy Court holds that the institution鈥檚 interest is not in preventing speech, but in fostering it 鈥 even when that speech is sharply critical of the institution, its employees, and its students. The friend-of-the-court brief FIREfiled alongside the National Coalition Against Censorship and the Comic Book Legal Defense Fund back in March made a related point: 鈥渋f public grade school administrators may surveil and punish off-campus student expression far beyond the school-house gate, a generation of Americans will be taught a corrosive, illiberal lesson about the illusory value of their constitutional freedoms.鈥 We鈥檙e deeply relieved that the Court鈥檚 majority rejected that result. 

The rights of students at institutions across the country, from K-12 schools to graduate schools, are more secure because Brandi Levy had the courage to take a public stand to defend her First Amendment rights 鈥 even if it was 鈥渏ust鈥 for a Snapchat post with a few four-letter words. FIREcongratulates Brandi, her family, and her attorneys from the ACLU of Pennsylvania and the ACLU鈥檚 national office on today鈥檚 historic win. 


In need of First Amendment resources for teachers? The Foundation for Individual Rights in Education has you covered. Our "First Things First" First Amendment textbook for college undergraduates explores the fundamentals of modern American free speech law. Meanwhile, our K-12 First Amendment curriculum modules help educators enrich and supplement their existing instruction on First Amendment and freedom of expression issues in middle and high school classrooms. Explore thefire.org for even more First Amendment educational resources.

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