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What鈥檚 at Stake in KU鈥檚 Investigation of Professor鈥檚 In-Class Comments? Only Academic Freedom as Faculty Know It

In the midst of the surge in student protests across the country last fall, Torch readers may have caught wind of the case of University of Kansas (KU) communications , who last November found herself caught in a whirlwind of controversy following the negative reaction of students enrolled in her graduate seminar to her facilitation of an in-class discussion on race.

鈥淣egative reaction鈥 doesn鈥檛 begin to cover it.

The students accused Quenette of racial harassment and signed a demanding that KU fire Quenette鈥攅ffectively asking the university to police in-class speech by faculty to a degree that would be ruinous to academic freedom. Due to the hostile reaction of her students, who refused to continue being instructed by Quenette, she asked for and was given leave through the end of the Fall 2014 semester. Running Quenette out of the classroom wasn鈥檛 enough for the students, though; six discrimination complaints were filed against her, which KU has been investigating this semester. The students鈥 demands for retribution are utterly inimical to academic freedom, and FIRE has written to KU urging it to reject them.

Of importance is that the class session on November 12 took place called by the KU administration to discuss community concerns about racism at the university, which was attended by roughly 1,000 people. This town hall was spurred by student protests at the University of Missouri, which were still unfolding and igniting a wave of protests at dozens of campuses around the country. The letter, signed by 11 graduate students (10 who were enrolled in Quenette鈥檚 seminar and one who was not), describes the in-class discussion as follows:

On the morning of November 12, 2015, a question was posed by Communication Studies Masters student Abigail Kingsford in her COMS 930 class, a required seminar with the primary purpose of instilling best practices in graduate students teaching COMS 130 (public speaking) for the first time. She inquired, 鈥淚n light of last night鈥檚 university-wide town hall meeting about race and discrimination on campus, what is the best approach to talk about that event and these issues with our students?鈥

We students in the class began discussing possible ways to bring these issues up in our classes when COMS 930 instructor Dr. Andrea Quenette abruptly interjected with deeply disturbing remarks. Those remarks began with her admitted lack of knowledge of how to talk about racism with her students because she is white. 鈥淎s a white woman I just never have seen the racism鈥t鈥檚 not like I see 鈥楴igger鈥 spray painted on walls鈥︹ she said.

As you can imagine, this utterance caused shock and disbelief. Her comments that followed were even more disparaging as they articulated not only her lack of awareness of racial discrimination and violence on this campus and elsewhere but an active denial of institutional, structural, and individual racism. This denial perpetuates racism in and of itself. After Ph.D. student Ian Beier presented strong evidence about low retention and graduation rates among Black students as being related to racism and a lack of institutional support, Dr. Quenette responded with, 鈥淭hose students are not leaving school because they are physically threatened everyday but because of academic performance.鈥 This statement reinforces several negative ideas: that violence against students of color is only physical, that students of color are less academically inclined and able, and that structural and institutional cultures, policies, and support systems have no role in shaping academic outcomes. Dr. Quenette鈥檚 discourse was uncomfortable, unhelpful, and blatantly discriminatory.

[Emphases added.]

In an after the controversy broke, Andrea Quenette described the exchanges this way:

鈥淚 believe academic freedom is an important issue in this situation,鈥 Quenette said. 鈥淭his topic was already the focus of the readings in class for this day, and issues of race and discrimination are current issues our campus is focusing on. I did not call anyone this word, nor did I use it to refer to any individual or group. Rather, I was retelling a factual example about an issue elsewhere.鈥

She added, 鈥淟ater in the discussion we discussed low graduation rates for African-American students at KU. I was trying to point out that there are a number of factors that contribute to graduate rate statistics for all students, among them varying levels of academic preparedness. The university needs to identify ways to provide additional academic support for students who may need greater resources to be successful. I believe it is well within the purview of my job to discuss these issues and indeed, it was related to the focus of the class for the day. My words were not intended to hurt anyone but rather to make a larger point that the solutions to race and diversity issues on our campus must directly address the specific problems our campus faces.鈥

The students鈥 makes numerous arguments about why Quenette鈥檚 speech wasn鈥檛 protected by her First Amendment rights or academic freedom. Chief among them is their claim that Quenette鈥檚 speech 鈥渁ctively violated,鈥 among other things, . The students go so far as to declare certain words and lines of argument systematically unfit for the classroom. 鈥淸U]nacceptably offensive鈥 is, for example, the 鈥淸u]se of the n-word,鈥 which鈥攄espite the fact that all are in apparent agreement that it was used in a non-pejorative context and not directed at any individual鈥攖hey call 鈥渢erroristic and threatening to the cultivation of a safe learning environment.鈥 The students further declare, 鈥淒r. Quenette鈥檚 deployment of racially violent rhetoric not only creates a non-inclusive environment in opposition to one of the University of Kansas鈥 core tenets, but actively destroys the very possibility of realizing those values and goals.鈥

These are strong claims. They鈥檙e not, however, backed up by , such harassment as 鈥渞acially or ethnically motivated鈥 behavior or conduct that 鈥渉as the purpose or effect of creating an intimidating, hostile, or offensive work or educational environment鈥; 鈥渋nterfering with an individual鈥檚 or group鈥檚 work, academic performance, living environment, personal safety, or participation in a university-sponsored activity鈥; or 鈥渢hreatening an individual鈥檚 or group鈥檚 employment or academic opportunities.鈥 By the students鈥 own description of the November 12 class discussion, Quenette did not violate this policy.

Broaching uncomfortable topics and challenging one鈥檚 students in a classroom discussion doesn鈥檛 come close to violating this policy. In fact, it鈥檚 explicitly protected by the policy, which states that it is 鈥渘ot intended to infringe upon freedom of expression or academic freedom,鈥 which it recognizes is 鈥渇undamental to the educational process.鈥 This clear defense of free speech is bolstered by years of federal guidance from the Department of Education鈥檚 Office for Civil Rights (OCR).

A 2003 鈥淒ear Colleague鈥 letter from then-OCR Assistant Secretary Gerald Reynolds, for example, advised:

Some colleges and universities have interpreted OCR鈥檚 prohibition of 鈥渉arassment鈥 as encompassing all offensive speech regarding sex, disability, race or other classifications. Harassment, however, to be prohibited by the statutes within OCR鈥檚 jurisdiction, must include something beyond the mere expression of views, words, symbols or thoughts that some person finds offensive. Under OCR鈥檚 standard, the conduct must also be considered sufficiently serious to deny or limit a student鈥檚 ability to participate in or benefit from the educational program.

OCR has refreshed universities on this basic principle as recently as 2014, when Assistant Secretary Catherine Lhamon that 鈥渨hen a school works to prevent and redress discrimination, it must respect the free-speech rights of students, faculty, and other speakers.鈥

The students鈥 claim that Quenette鈥檚 speech violates KU鈥檚 racial harassment policy is only one of the questionable arguments they put forth. They also claim the Supreme Court鈥檚 controversial ruling in Garcetti v. Ceballos (2006) should apply in Quenette鈥檚 case. In Garcetti, the Court held that a public employee鈥檚 First Amendment rights were not violated when he was punished for speech made 鈥減ursuant to [his] official duties.鈥 The students argue in favor of applying Garcetti even while acknowledging that the Supreme Court 鈥渉as not settled on the question of whether or not this analysis extends to 鈥榮cholarship or teaching.鈥欌 While the Supreme Court, indeed, has left open the question of whether Garcetti should apply to faculty expression in the academic context, the United States Courts of Appeals for the Fourth Circuit and Ninth Circuit have rightly held that it does not.

Going further down the Garcetti rabbit hole, the students acknowledge that Quenette鈥檚 speech had legitimate pedagogical value. Yet they argue that this supports the case for terminating Quenette:

Dr. Quenette鈥檚 comments in this specific class, though, clearly demonstrate a legitimate pedagogical concern. The goal of the course is to produce practitioners, so by imbuing racist language, remarks, and viewpoints into the pedagogy her students were meant to replicate, Dr. Quenette was training us to perpetrate acts and ideas violating the policies of the university. Therefore, her speech is not protected by the First Amendment and employer discipline for her remarks is not only legal, but necessary based on her breach of contract.

The students are right in saying that Quenette鈥檚 comments 鈥渃learly demonstrate a legitimate pedagogical concern.鈥 But that鈥檚 about it.

Contrary to the students鈥 Garcetti claims, FIREargued that Garcetti doesn鈥檛 apply. Instead, the public employee speech test the Supreme Court employed in Pickering v. Board of Education (1968) governs Quenette鈥檚 case. To satisfy Pickering, the Court held that protected speech by a public employee must address 鈥渕atters of public concern鈥 and that the employee鈥檚 interest in commenting on such matters should outweigh 鈥渢he interest of the State, as an employer, in promoting the efficiency of the public services it performs through its employees.鈥

As we wrote in our letter to KU, Quenette鈥檚 speech meets both of Pickering鈥檚 requirements:

Her comments were made during a single class session in response to inquiries from her students specifically seeking her opinions on how to approach particular issues in their own teaching. Thus, the comments were germane to the classroom subject matter and advanced an academic message. Quenette鈥檚 comments were not intended to insult or denigrate her students but were instead intended to demonstrate the limits of her knowledge and perceptions of racism in society, as the students鈥 letter acknowledges. And there can be no doubt Quenette was speaking on a matter of public concern. Indeed, the discussion of racial and cultural issues in higher education was so pressing that KU held a forum to discuss those very concerns, attended by some 1,000 members of its community the evening before Quenette鈥檚 class. Further, her interest in speaking freely with her students on these issues clearly outweighs KU鈥檚 interest in disciplining her for her speech, which violates no KU policy.

It鈥檚 alarming鈥攏ot to mention ironic鈥攖hat a group of graduate students has called on the university to punish a professor for constitutionally protected speech when such a reaction would, in turn, decimate the freedoms necessary to pursue their own careers as academics. Hopefully KU administrators recognize these demands for what they are鈥攃alls to police the classroom speech of professors and punish those who step out of line鈥攁nd reject them.

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