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Trump administration鈥檚 reasons for detaining Mahmoud Khalil threaten free speech

Seth Harrison / The Journal News / USA TODAY NETWORK
It鈥檚 been three days since the government arrested and detained Mahmoud Khalil for deportation. This afternoon, the administration finally stated the basis for its actions. Its explanation threatens the free speech of millions of people.
Yesterday, an administration official , 鈥淭he allegation here is not that [Khalil] was breaking the law.鈥 This was by White House Press Secretary Karoline Leavitt, who announced Khalil is being targeted under a law that she characterized as allowing the secretary of state to personally deem individuals 鈥渁dversarial to the foreign policy and national security interests of the United States of America.鈥
Leavitt said Khalil 鈥渟id[ed] with terrorists,鈥 鈥渙rganized group protests鈥 that 鈥渄isrupted college campus classes and harassed Jewish American students and made them feel unsafe,鈥 and distributed 鈥減ro-Hamas propaganda.鈥 She also said the Department of Homeland Security is trying to track down 鈥渙ther individuals who have engaged in pro-Hamas activity鈥 at Columbia University.
The law Leavitt appears to be citing requires the secretary of state to have "reasonable ground to believe鈥 the person鈥檚 鈥減resence or activities in the United States . . . would have potentially serious adverse foreign policy consequences for the United States.鈥
The administration is wielding this standard 鈥 deportation for people whose activities could cause 鈥渟erious adverse foreign policy consequences for the United States鈥 鈥 to arrest and detain an individual graduate student. In explaining how he met this standard, the administration did not allege Khalil committed a crime. But it did explicitly cite the content of his speech, characterizing it as 鈥渁nti-American鈥 and 鈥減ro-Hamas.鈥 Protesting government policy is protected by the First Amendment, as is rhetorical support for a terrorist group (if not directly coordinated with it, which the government has not alleged here).
Disrupting college classes and harassing students is not protected expression, to be sure, and Leavitt stated that Khalil organized protests that may have done so. But the administration has not detailed Khalil鈥檚 specific actions with respect to those protests, so it remains unclear whether Khalil himself violated any campus rules against discriminatory harassment. Whether any such violation justifies detention and deportation is a separate question. In either adjudication, Khalil must be afforded due process.
There are millions of people lawfully present in the United States without citizenship. The administration鈥檚 actions will cause them to self-censor rather than risk government retaliation. Lawful permanent residents and students on visas will fear a knock on the door simply for speaking their minds.
If constitutionally protected speech may render someone deportable by the secretary of state, the administration has free rein to arrest and detain any non-citizen whose speech the government dislikes. The inherent vagueness of the 鈥渁dversarial to the foreign policy and national security interests鈥 standard does not provide notice as to what speech is or is not prohibited. The administration鈥檚 use of it will foster a culture of self-censorship and fear.
This is America. We don't throw people in detention centers because of their politics. Doing so betrays our national commitment to freedom of speech.

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