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Insensitivity Is Not a Crime

At , three student artists are under investigation, apparently with the possibility of punishment, for their pre-approved class project, which included 鈥渘oose-like ropes鈥 in a piece of art displayed on campus. Some viewers apparently interpreted the art in a way that made them feel offended, reminding them of actual nooses and lynchings. President David Hodge said in a that 鈥淚 strongly condemn this display and deplore that in this campus community any person would believe this display is in any way acceptable.鈥

Nick Gillespie at reflects on the case:

I find it really screwed up that the first order of business is to take down something and force the artists to apologize the way they did.

This especially doesn鈥檛 make sense because even if the display was intended to call to mind Jena, wouldn鈥檛 most people immediately assume it was a comment on that, not an endorsement?

If colleges and universities really supported free and open debate, wouldn鈥檛 they use these sorts of things as 鈥渢eachable moments鈥 where all sorts of viewpoints about art and its role in society would be debated? Rather than being shut down with extreme prejudice?

The case can be made even stronger: what an artist is expressing is not the same as what interpreters behold, although artists generally hope to be understood. When artists are misunderstood, it is not necessarily, and it is often not in any way, their fault. A situation in which viewers feel offended is not the same as a situation in which an artist is attempting to offend. At worst, one can say that by not catering to every possible interpretation of one鈥檚 art, an artist is being insensitive to some degree. And notwithstanding the ludicrous nature of such a standard, insensitivity is not a crime.

But the case can be made still stronger: artists have a well-established First Amendment right to be offensive鈥攊ntentionally offensive鈥攚ithout fear of punishment. As we argued recently in a letter to Central Connecticut State University, regarding a cartoon that was widely deemed offensive on campus:

The Supreme Court stated in Texas v. Johnson, 491 U.S. 397, 414 (1989), that 鈥淸i]f there is a bedrock principle underlying the First Amendment, it is that the government may not prohibit the expression of an idea simply because society finds the idea itself offensive or disagreeable.鈥 Similarly, the Court wrote in Papish v. Board of Curators of the University of Missouri, 410 U.S. 667, 670 (1973) that 鈥渢he mere dissemination of ideas鈥攏o matter how offensive to good taste鈥攐n a state university campus may not be shut off in the name alone of 鈥榗onventions of decency.鈥欌

Parody and satire, even when they include 鈥渙ffensive鈥 language and situations, are forms of political speech that are at the core of our country鈥檚 honored traditions. They exist precisely to challenge, to amuse, to provoke鈥攁nd, indeed, to offend. Case law on this subject is quite clear. The landmark Supreme Court cases Cohen v. California, 403 U.S. 15 (1971) and Hustler Magazine, Inc. v. Falwell, 485 U.S. 46 (1988) protect鈥攁s core political speech鈥攕hocking or deeply offensive material, farce, profanity, and exaggeration, and they confirm the essential role of parody and satire precisely because they challenge readers鈥 deepest assumptions and beliefs. No campus that claims to take seriously the free speech rights of students may retaliate against students or a student publication because others on campus felt offended by fully protected speech.

The American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) also has thus far.

Miami University of Ohio has a FIREspeech code rating of 鈥測ellow.鈥 We assign a 鈥測ellow鈥 rating when a school has 鈥渁t least one ambiguous policy that too easily encourages administrative abuse and arbitrary application.鈥 Sadly, such abuse appears to have come to pass.

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